upped his bid with a proposed increase to $10.10.
But an insidious effort to lower the wage floor is already underway much closer to the ground—in the state legislatures where right-wing lobbyists have been greasing the skids for years for an onslaught of anti-worker policies.
Losing the state minimum wage could leave some workers completely
unprotected, because they are excluded from the federal Fair Labor
Standards Act (FLSA). Home health aides,
for example, have long been exempted from federal minimum-wage rules,
despite strong grassroots campaigns to include them, but are covered by
minimum wage law in some states, including New York and Massachussetts. Their incredibly low wages—typically less than $10 an hour across the industry—could be bumped down further if state wage floors are ripped from under them.
Overtime pay is another labor issue on which states have filled gaps in federal law. While the FLSA guarantees time-and-a-half overtime pay for many sectors, some low-wage workers, including certain federally-exempted domestic service jobs, are entitled to that wage boost only under state law. Legislators in some states—including the “right to work” battlegrounds of Ohio and Michigan, where unions are under siege—have tried to allow certain employers to get around overtime by instead paying workers “comp time,” or time off equal to one regular hour of work, even if they work more than 40 hours a week. One ALEC-affiliated bill proposed in 2011 in Nevada explicitly sought to exclude home care workers from overtime laws.
President
Obama called for a modest raise in the federal minimum wage to $9 in
his State of the Union Address, and several Democratic legislators have
Originally published at InTheseTimes.com
But an insidious effort to lower the wage floor is already underway much closer to the ground—in the state legislatures where right-wing lobbyists have been greasing the skids for years for an onslaught of anti-worker policies.
An extensive analysis recently published by labor advocacy organization the National Employment Law Project
tracks more than 100 bills introduced in 31 states since January
2011 that “aim to repeal or weaken core wage standards at the state or
local level." Each bears the fingerprint of notorious super-lobbying
organization the American Legislative Exchange Council
(ALEC), which acts as a forum for “private sector leaders” to advise
public officials. Most of the anti-worker bills were proposed by
lawmakers directly linked to ALEC and include language that echoes that
of "model legislation" developed by ALEC. Among the proposals are
measures to undercut minimum wages for teenage workers, restrict
overtime pay and repeal or ban local laws to improve working conditions.
ALEC has been called out by activists for
pushing legislation that advances a classic right-wing agenda, from
school privatization to rolling back healthcare reform. But the “wage
suppression” tactics are a particularly callous attempt by
ALEC-affiliated legislators to feed corporate profits by starving
workers.
The wage-suppression laws are the latest
strike in a war of attrition waged by ALEC and “private sector leaders”
(as the organization calls them) against labor and workplace rights,
aimed at forcing low-wage workers into even deeper economic insecurity.
While efforts to pass pro-worker policies
in Washington have met with resistance, ALEC-sponsored bills seek to
outlaw protections for workers at the state and local level, such as
living wage ordinances and paid leave mandates. In several states,
including Arizona, Connecticut, Maryland and Michigan, lawmakers have
introduced ALEC-associated legislation to preempt prevailing wage laws,
which ensure workers receive relatively fair wages in
government-contracted work, including the public infrastructure projects
that fuel local construction sectors.
NELP points out that only a minority of
these bills have actually been enacted, but the sheer volume of
anti-worker legislative proposals is nonetheless alarming at a time when
the labor movement, which has traditionally struggled to beat back
pro-corporate legislation, is weaker than ever.
The ALEC-inspired bills to weaken state
minimum wage laws strike directly at state’s efforts to lift workers
above the absurdly low federal minimum of $7.25 an hour. Some states
have set base wages significantly higher than the federal minimum—like Vermont's minimum hourly wage of $8.60, adjusted automatically to keep pace with the cost of living.
Overtime pay is another labor issue on which states have filled gaps in federal law. While the FLSA guarantees time-and-a-half overtime pay for many sectors, some low-wage workers, including certain federally-exempted domestic service jobs, are entitled to that wage boost only under state law. Legislators in some states—including the “right to work” battlegrounds of Ohio and Michigan, where unions are under siege—have tried to allow certain employers to get around overtime by instead paying workers “comp time,” or time off equal to one regular hour of work, even if they work more than 40 hours a week. One ALEC-affiliated bill proposed in 2011 in Nevada explicitly sought to exclude home care workers from overtime laws.
Noting that conservatives will hold
majority control of most state houses this year, NELP analyst Jack
Temple says, “Since legislation to raise the federal minimum wage
usually depends on momentum from the states, bills like these that
weaken or repeal wage standards at the state level serve to undercut the
momentum needed to pass national legislation in Congress.”
The measures to prevent local officials
from raising the bar for workers betrays ALEC’s underlying agenda.
Though the organization purports to champion the “rights” of local
authorities to act independently of “big government,” NELP reports, it’s
really more about emancipating big business from regulation:
Despite ALEC’s putative support for limited government and local sovereignty, living wage preemption proposals would establish state-wide mandates that severely restrict the freedom that city governments have to set standards for businesses that receive public support.
According to Temple, with so many wage-suppression bills clogging state legislatures, even if many do not pass:
The significance of these bills for advocates at the state level concerns the sheer amount of energy and time that must be spent fighting back bills like these, which drains the time and resources that could otherwise be dedicated to improving wage standards rather than just protecting the laws already on the books.
A bill creeping through the Florida legislature seems poised to undercut emerging efforts to improve workers’ lives. HB 655
would ban towns and cities from taking local initiatives to raise wages
and give workers paid leave time, thus blocking key policies that could
improve the lives of workers surviving on the state’s threadbare
minimum wage of $7.79 (about a third of what a single parent of two would need to earn a decent living). On the heels of a recent campaign,
led by local labor groups, to establish paid sick days in Miami-Dade
County, the bill would effectively block local officials from granting
workers the basic protection of not having to lose wages for calling in
sick.
Florida is just one battleground in a
nationwide movement to improve protections and wage standards for the
working poor, as labor advocates push for raises in state and federal minimum wages in
tandem with the White House's proposal. But NELP's report reveals how
groups like ALEC have already gotten a head start in our state
legislatures.
Without strong unions or even an adequate
social safety net, minimum wage laws are the last line of defense
between low-wage workers and abject poverty. So it makes sense that ALEC
is now driving to pull the floor from under them; they might as well
kick them when they’re down.
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