GENEVA – Russia’s leader Vladimir Putin usually wears a perfect poker
face. But last week in Shangahi, the icy-cold Russian president came
awfully close to bursting into a big grin.
And why not? Putin had just stolen a march on his western rivals.
The US-British attempt to wound Russia’s economy and punish Putin for
disobedience had just blown up in their red faces.
After 20 years of difficult talks, Russia and China had just signed a
huge deal that called for Russia to export 38 billion cubic meters of
gas worth some $400 billion to China. The agreement begins in 2018 and
will involve one of the globe’s largest engineering projects that links
Russia’s remote gas fields to China’s pipeline system.
In addition, China will invest at least $20 billion in Russian
industry and boost imports of Russian products, notably military
systems. China will become Russia’s largest trade partner.
This was not the much ballyhooed “pivot to Asia” that President
Barack Obama expected. It is, however, the long-dreaded embrace between
the Chinese dragon and Russian bear that has given western strategists
the willies.
One must suspect that the recent fracas in Ukraine was the last straw
that pushed China to make a strategic alignment with Russia. Until
now, the two great powers had quietly cooperated, not always without
problems. Thanks to all the bluster and sabre-rattling from the US and
its allies over Eastern Europe and the South China Sea, China decided
to deepen and expand its entente with Moscow.
The Republicans in the US Congress who have been beating the war
drums and calling for Obama to get tough with Russia (whatever that
means) now share blame for pushing Moscow into China’s arms. All
perfectly predictable and perfectly dumb. A diplomatic fiasco of the
first water.
Russia has thus given its economy a big boost and made western
sanctions look inconsequential. Chinese funds will allow cash-strapped
Russia to modernize its oil and gas industry. The new gas pipelines
will be a major economic boost for Russia’s distressed eastern regions
and Siberia.
If the gas deal works and prospers, it will serve as a template for
heightened Sino-Russian cooperation in military projects, such as fifth
generation fighter aircraft, missile systems, naval forces and advanced
electronics. Until today, Russia had been reluctant to share more
advanced military systems with China because of China’s copying of
Russian technology, then refusing to pay adequate royalties.
For China, the deal offers many advantages. China has been energy
deficient for years. Beijing desperately needs to find new energy
sources to fuel its growing economy. Russian gas offers a clean
alternative to the filthy coal China has used for power and heat.
Estimates are that a switch to gas will reduce air pollution by at least
25% in China’s northern cities, maybe much more. Having gasped for
air through numerous Beijing nights, I fully appreciate what this
means.
Russia has long been reluctant to cooperate too closely with China on
Far East industrial projects. Russians have little love for China –
or “Kitai” – because China evokes memories of the Mongol-Tatar invasions
that ravaged large parts of Russia for hundreds of years. Distrust and
even straight out dislike is wired into the mentality of many Russians.
During the 19th century, Russia joined the western powers and Japan in
raping China.
Demography lies at the heart of Russia’s fears of China. Russia’s
far eastern regions, with the vital port of Vladivostok, has only 7.4
million citizens. Ten times as many Chinese lived just across the
border in the northeast region known as the “Dongbei.” This highly
strategic region and Manchuria became an arena of conflict at the end of
the 19th century between Russia, Japan, and China, leading to the
bloody 1904-1905 Russo-Japanese War, the first big, modern war of the
20th century.
Some 1.5 million Chinese infiltrate annually over the Russian border
and settle illegally, producing a situation akin to that between the US
and Mexico. Fears are expressed in Moscow that the 2 million illegal
Chinese settlers in Russia’s Far East may one day expand to 20 or 30
million, outnumbering Russian inhabitants.
When I was invited in 1980 by Chinese military intelligence to
“exchange views” in Beijing, I cheekily asked how long it would take for
the Chinese Army to take Vladivostok. After a long, uncomfortable
silence, a general spat out, “one week.”
Russia still holds vast tracts of land seized in the mid 1800’s from
China. Beijing and Moscow will have their work cut out to resolve
lingering disputes and build mutual respect and trust. There is a big
deficit on both sides right now.
Today, China’s growing energy imports are very vulnerable to
interdiction. The US and lately India have the capability to block
inbound Chinese oil tankers and maritime cargo exports, either of which
would shut down China’s major industries.
Key choke points would be the inner and outer island chains of the
South and North China Seas, and the narrow Malacca Strait. India’s new
aircraft carriers and submarines are being specifically built to
interdict China’s oil imports.
Pipeline oil from Russia would be secure from most attacks and offer China its long-sought energy security.
This new deal is so good on many levels that old fears and mistrust must yield to its logic.
Most important, the Sino-Russian energy deal may further alter the
world’s balance of power to the East. Russia and China working in
tandem could offset the great power and wealth of the US and its rich
allies. It is a major geopolitical event.
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copyright Eric S. Margolis 2014
This post is in: Asia, China, History, International Politics, Natural Gas, Oil, Russia, Uncategorized
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